Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has announced his most ambitious reform yet: a proposal to abolish the Senate and transform parliament into a unicameral, fully party-list chamber.
This is to be voted on via referendum in 2027.
This constitutional change demonstrates an encouraging example of freedom in a massive, strategically important, and energy-rich country that borders Russia and China.
It's in the interests of the U.S. to support Kazakhstan’s political reform that strengthens political stability and democracy in this key Eurasian country.
For decades, Kazakhstan’s Amanat party — first under the first president Nursultan Nazarbayev and now under Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, although Tokayev himself is technically non-partisan, dominated politics with ease.
In 2007, they controlled all 98 seats in the Mäjilis, the lower house. By 2023, they had been reduced to 62 seats.
Between 2007 and 2021, the ruling party consistently garnered five to six million votes in four parliamentary elections.
In 2023, they received just over 3.4 million votes.
That isn't just a statistical slide.
This is evidence of a multi-party system maturing.
In the 2023 elections, Amanat performed better in single-member districts, winning 22 of 29 races (plus one allied independent), than in the party-list vote, where they secured just 40 of 69 seats.
Single-member districts are less predictable than the party list system.
This change demonstrates that the president is willing to take a risk to make the political system more democratic.
The proposed reform would eliminate the very arena where his party had greater short-term success.
The Kazakh Senate, which is supposed to be abolished, is only indirectly elected.
Two senators per region are chosen by local assemblies (the maslikhats), while 15 more are appointed directly by the president.
The latter set up to reinforce the power of the center, which could be weakened by these reforms, and make the voices of different minority and disadvantaged groups heard at the national level.
Party-list parliaments are common in European political structures.
In mature and wealthy democracies like Israel, Italy, the Netherlands, or Sweden, proportional representation fosters pluralism and coalition-building to bolster the effectiveness of these political systems.
In economically dysfunctional countries such as Argentina and Indonesia, or politically unstable ones like Turkey or South Africa, proportional systems can diminish individual accountability, or mute voices in civil society outside of the establishment.
To benefit from the party-list elections model, Kazakhstan will need to simultaneously support open media, genuine political competition, and independent courts, while avoiding excessive state control.
Civil society must keep up with political reforms.
Thankfully, there are encouraging signs that Astana may move in this direction.
Kazakhstan has already surpassed its neighbors, Russia and China, in GDP per capita, meaning the material basis of democracy already exists. These substantial GDP gains can be attributed to Kazakhstan's pursuit of economic freedom.
In 2025, Kazakhstan scored 63.8/100 in the Heritage Foundation’s Index of Economic Freedom, ranking 68th worldwide and placing in the "Moderately Free" category.
That puts it far ahead of Russia (51.6, 135th) and China (49, 151st), which remain in the "Mostly Unfree" and "Repressed" categories.
As early as 2019, Kazakhstan ranked 25th globally in the World Bank’s Doing Business index, better than Italy or Spain.
While political liberalization has lagged, market reforms and openness to foreign investment have delivered tangible material improvements.
This situation — economic success paired with an ongoing political reform should remind experts and observers of the Asian Tigers (Hong Kong, South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan) of the 1980s and 1990s.
Amongst these examples, the closest parallel is Taiwan.
Taiwan's path to democratization began after economic liberalization was largely successful and was shepherded along by insiders of the long-ruling Kuomintang party.
Kazakhstan also holds another asset comparable to Taiwan's dominance of semiconductors: it controls about 40% of global uranium supply.
Just as Taiwan leveraged its semiconductor monopoly into global strategic importance, Kazakhstan's role in uranium exports matters to economies far beyond Central Asia.
This dominance warrants American interest and may prompt interference from Russia and China, neither of which is keen on seeing a democratic success story in their backyard, regardless of what the locals desire.
The next generation of Kazakhstan's leaders could pair their economic advantage with a political model that reassures citizens and partners alike in the coming decades, amplifying its growth on the global stage.
Kazakhstan can learn from the Asian Tigers: democracy enhances political stability, efficiency can attract investment, and long-term success depends on maintaining sovereignty while building institutions that the citizens can trust.
By supporting democratic institutions during a potential constitutional transition in its parliament, Astana can achieve similar success.
While Russia and China may cynically attempt to use these reforms to compete for influence in Eurasia, for America, political reform in the region encourages economic prosperity, trade, investment, and involvement.
Robert Zapesochny is a researcher and writer. His work focuses on foreign affairs, national security, and presidential history. He's been published in numerous outlets, including The American Spectator, The Washington Times, and The American Conservative. When he's not writing, Robert works for a medical research company in New York. Read Robert Zapesochny's Reports — More Here.
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