Anyone who knew Edwin J. Feulner Jr. when he arrived in Washington, D.C., as a young congressional staffer in the late 1960s likely remembers him speaking passionately about a dream: to build a foundation that would develop a coherent conservative philosophy — on both domestic and foreign policy — and make it accessible to everyday Americans.
When Feulner passed away on July 18 at the age of 83, that dream had not only been realized but had grown into a powerful institution: The Heritage Foundation.
Founded in 1973 and now 52 years old, Heritage owes much of its stature to Feulner, who served as its president from 1977 to 2013, and again from 2017 to 2018.
Under his leadership, Heritage became the intellectual engine of the American right, influencing members of Congress, business leaders, and two Republican presidents — Ronald Reagan and Donald Trump — both of whom filled key roles in their administrations with Heritage staff and alumni.
During Reagan's arms control negotiations with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, the Heritage Foundation's influence was unmistakable.
Gorbachev specifically cited Heritage as an example of American conservatives who believed the U.S. should use the arms race to weaken the Soviet Union (see "The Last Superpower Summits" by Svetlana Savranskaya and Thomas Blanton).
From its early work, including the seminal publication "Mandate for Leadership: Policy Management in a Conservative Administration," Heritage collaborated closely with the Reagan administration on a wide array of policies — from agriculture and federal spending cuts to judicial appointments.
White House Counselor Ed Meese relied on Heritage's recommendations in selecting conservative nominees for the federal bench.
More recently, Heritage played a pivotal role in shaping conservative policy for the Trump era. Project 2025, a comprehensive policy road map developed by alumni of the first Trump administration, outlined an ambitious agenda for a second term.
Though candidate Trump distanced himself from the plan during the 2024 campaign, many of its ideas — including defunding Planned Parenthood and eliminating the Department of Education — remain influential in his second administration, along with many of the plan's contributors.
Not bad for an organization that, as historian Lee Edwards recalled, began with "twelve employees, one mimeograph machine, and two dogs."
When Feulner left his role as top aide to conservative Rep. Phil Crane, R-Ill., to take the helm of the fledgling Heritage Foundation in 1977, the think tank's future looked uncertain.
In just four years since its founding, Heritage had cycled through four presidents.
Meanwhile, the philanthropic landscape was dominated by left-leaning institutions. Pat Buchanan once noted that the Ford Foundation, then the wealthiest in America, was funding progressive social engineering far removed from the vision of its namesake. Even Henry Ford II resigned from its board in protest.
The Brookings Institution, he added, was a "wildlife sanctuary for liberal intellectuals" critiquing Nixon and planning a Democrat resurgence.
The turning point came when Paul Weyrich, a fellow conservative staffer and friend of Feulner, opened a letter addressed to his boss, Sen. Gordon Allott, R-Colo.
The sender was Joseph Coors, the Colorado beer magnate, inquiring whether there was any conservative organization worthy of his support.
Weyrich and Feulner, who had been a Heritage trustee since 1973, quickly pitched Coors a business plan. The result: a $250,000 check that gave the think tank new life.
At just 31, Feulner left Capitol Hill and became the full-time leader of the revitalized Heritage Foundation.
While he delegated much of the day-to-day policy work to longtime COO Phil Truluck, Feulner hit the road to raise the capital and recruit the talent needed to grow the organization.
Backing came from influential conservatives like oilman Henry Salvatori, Amway founders Jay Van Andel and Richard DeVos, and philanthropist Diana Spencer.
Feulner's conservative convictions were deeply rooted in his upbringing.
A native of Chicago and the son of a realtor, he was shaped by a traditional Roman Catholic education — his mother's three brothers were priests — and a belief system that emphasized order and personal responsibility.
After graduating from Regis University and earning an MBA from the Wharton School of Finance, he worked at the Center for Strategic Studies (now CSIS), then served on the staffs of Rep. Melvin Laird, R-Wis., and later Rep. Crane.
He also became executive director of the House Republican Study Committee, a precursor to Heritage in its focus on policy development.
Later in life, Feulner served as president of the prestigious Mont Pelerin Society, founded by economists Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, among others.
"He also spent about a month a year in Asia," recalled conservative activist Jameson Campaigne, "doing his own 'networking' diplomacy — helping good people there learn how to get things done the right way. 'People are policy' was Ed's motto."
"Ed was an action intellectual who believed in the power of ideas — but also understood that ideas must be marketed and translated into actionable policy," wrote Lee Edwards in his memoir. "He was an astute manager with an MBA from Wharton who believed in leadership by consensus."
Ever the optimist, Feulner ended every letter and email with a signature sign-off: "Onward!"
Now, Ed Feulner is gone — but his legacy is indelibly imprinted on the American political landscape.
In the weeks ahead, much will be written about the man who reshaped the conservative movement.
But perhaps the most fitting tribute comes from the epitaph of British architect Sir Christopher Wren: "If you seek his monument, look around."
John Gizzi is chief political columnist and White House correspondent for Newsmax. For more of his reports, Go Here Now.
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